U401-A Solenoid Valve
The flow control valve has been tested and granted Ex approval.The Ex-approval is EX m II T4.Ex certificate number is CE021037.
Materials:
Body: Die cast aluminum alloy
Technical Specifications:
Power:AC220 V,2×4W
Current Consumption: big flow valve 18mA, small flow valve 18mA
Allow flow rate:65L/min,big flow rate:50L/min,small flow rate:5L/min.
Working pressure:0.035-0.035MPa
Environmental Condition: -40~~+70degree
Features:
A high advantage in reliability and adaptability.
Housing: Die cast aluminum alloy.
Dual flow control valves have three grades of big flow, small flow and close.
The fuel resistant cable can be customized regarding length.
100% Factory Tested.
Wiring:
Color Link
Brown communal terminal
Black big flow rate
white small flow rate
Yellow/green ground
Package:
Product ID Weight Dimension
U401-A 2.1kg/case of 130 ×116× 80mm/case of 1
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onal pull in the same way as did the central and eastern
Europeans. The Balkan people are further removed than the Czechs and Poles were from EU standards of
democracy and free markets. They have to set up functioning governments before they can become functioning
democracies. This means that much of the Balkans will have to wait for membership even longer than did the
central and eastern Europeans. And it is no longer clear how long accession can retain its allure, or how attractive
the “pre-accession�phase can be made.
At worst, there is a risk that the EU could end up dividing the Balkans, rather than modernising it—splitting the
region into countries on the road to membership (Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia, Macedonia) and the ghetto of the
rest, whose status would be uncertain and whose “pre-accession�limbo might be made worse by cuts in aid. For
Bosnians and Serbs, there is a danger of EU membership becoming like an old Soviet joke we fuel dispenser pretend to prepare
for membership, they pretend to be ready to give it to us.
The virtues of Austro-Hungarian imperialis fuel dispenser m
Doubts over the EU s influence in the Balkans will be either allayed or confirmed over the next six months. At
minimum, it must avoid the divisions and passivity that bedevilled previous episodes in ex-Yugoslavia. But it could
do better. And by happy accident, the EU presidency—usually a silly arrangement for each country to set the
agenda for six months—has fallen at this critical juncture to the largest single investor in the Balkans and one of
the strongest supporters of EU membership for Balkan countries Austria. The Austrians may be notoriously hostile
to Turkey s membership aspirations, but they have said that the Balkans are their top foreign-policy priority. What
is less clear is whether they are ready to spend political capital to get reluctant partners to do things to give the
rhetoric substance.
Michael Emerson of the Centre for European Policy Studies, a think-tank in Brussels, suggests that Balkan
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